INTERNATIONAL LABOUR-VENEZUELA:

WORKERS ASSASSINATED IN VENEZUELA:

The following originates with the Venezuelan anarchist magazine El Libertario, and comes Molly's way via the A-Infos website. To say the least such events raise disturbing questions about who is behind the murders. Perhaps equally disturbing is the Venezuelan state's concentration on repression of labour activists, also mentioned in the article below, while seemingly devoting few resources to investigating the murders in question. Read on...

LLLLLLLLLLLL

Campaign against the assassination of workers in Venezuela:

Enough killings and repression of workers in struggle! ---- The anarchist org. El Libertario has joined this campaign and we’re trying to divulge this initiative in an attempt to confront the hired killers that are taking the lives of labor activists in this country. ---- This past May 5 union leader Argenis Vasquez, organizing secretary in the union at Toyota’s plant in Cumana, was gunned down by thugs as he left his house. This assassination occurred just after a month-long strike demanding improvements. The murdered worker was a leader of the protest and key in confrontations with the company and the management. It all looks like the unofficial “answer” by a company unable to impose its will on the strikers.

However, not even three months have passed since the deaths of workers Pedro Suarez and Javier Marcano in Anzoategui, in the eastern part of the country, during a violent repression by the regional police ordered by Governor Tarek William Saab as they tried to evict workers from that other Japanese transnational Mitsubishi Motors. The workers were occupying the factory as protest against the firing of 135 workers and for their demands.

These killings come on top of the horrible assassination of the three main leaders of the Union Nacional de Trabajadores –UNT (National Workers Union) in the state of Aragua, also at the hand of thugs who gunned them down this past November 27 in the vicinity of La Encrucijada. They were Richard Gallego, president of UNT’s regional section, Luis Hernandez, union leader at Pepsi-Cola and Carlos Requena, union delegate at Produvisa, all members of political party Unidad Socialista de Izquierda –USI (Left Socialist Union). These labor leaders were at the head of the union in a state with one of the largest rates of labor conflict in the country, leading the struggle in solidarity with workers who occupied the Colombian transnational Lacteos Alpina due to threats of lock-down and facing harsh repression by the regional police (then under the direction of Governor Didalco Bolivar).

There have been six workers killed during the struggle in barely five months. In most cases we’re talking about a policy of “Columbization” of labor conflicts: pay assassins to kill labor leaders and thus intimidate the working class and break up their organizations. Let’s not forget that workers at Sanitarios de Maracai (in Aragua) have been the target of various threats and selective prosecutions throughout the struggle, that the workers at Mitsubishi Motors complained that a car in which some workers were traveling was shot up when they were engaged in an information campaign about the filming of the killing of the two [Mitsubishi] workers, and that in June 2008 Gloria Palomino, labor leader at fan manufacturer FM (Fundimeca) in Carabobo, was wounded by a bullet in her leg during a drive by shooting while she was at the front of an occupation at the gates of the company demanding the enforcement of an order to rehire.

These killings (and attempts) of workers in struggle seem to define a method of conflict “resolution” in the midst of reigning impunity, since to date there has not been anybody politically or intellectually responsible for the killings and attempts found, tried or condemned. On the contrary, there is a process to criminalize worker’s protest, there are close to one hundred workers on trial or under orders to appear in front of tribunals for having taken part in protests.

Therefore the organizations and persons whose signatures appear below strongly condemn this situation, we loudly raise our voice in repudiation of the assassination of workers in struggle, by thugs paid by the bosses as well as by the official security forces, we protest against the rampant impunity and demand prosecution and exemplary punishment for those politically and intellectually responsible.

We are convinced that if these crimes go unpunished we slide dangerously towards a national situation of outlawing and silencing by force the worker’s legitimate protest and struggle.

Enough deaths of workers for fighting for their rights!

We demand of all the State powers the prosecution and punishment of those responsible for these crimes, to that end we propose the formation of an Independent Investigative Commission, made up of workers organizations, human rights organizations and relatives of the victims, with access to all the information and freedom to act on a real investigation of the whole problem!

We demand a stop to the prosecution of the workers on trial or under orders to present themselves to the tribunals for struggling for their rights!

We call for the widest coordination and mobilization of workers, students and human rights organizations, truly democratic intellectuals and artists to unite our efforts in a large national and international campaign against these crimes!

INITIAL SIGNATURES

Asamblea de Trabajadores de la Toyota 15/5, Cumaná; Carlos Farías,Secretario de Prensa y Propaganda de SINTRATOYOTA; Sindicato de Trabajadores de la NESTLÉ, Sindicato Bolivariano de Trabajadores de CATIVEN; Sindicato Único de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de MANPA; Sindicato de Trabajadores de SANITARIOS MARACAY; Sindicato de Trabajadores de GENERAL MILLS de Venezuela (DIABLITOS UNDER WOOD); Sindicato de Trabajadores Bolivarianos Inversiones SEABOOCS C.A.; Sindicato Único de Trabajadores de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (SUTRA-UCV); Sindicato de Obreros del Comedor Estudiantil de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (SOCE-UCV); Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la UCV (SINATRA-UCV); Emilio Bastida y Marcos Guzmán, Coordinadores Regionales de la UNION NACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES (UNT) de Aragua; Orlando Chirino, Coordinador Nacional de la UNT y por la Corriente Clasista, Unitaria, Revolucionaria y Autónoma (CCURA); Sindicato Profesional de Insecticidas y Conexos del estado Aragua; José Bodas, Secretario General del FEDEPETROL (Anzoátegui); Frank Hernández del Sindicato de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de la PEPSICOLA; Cristhian Pereira, secretario del Sindicato de Trabajadores de CHRYLER AUTOMOTRIZ; Stalin Pérez Borges, Coordinador Nacional de la UNT; Tendencia Clasista Revolucionaria (TCR), SIDOR (Guayana); Centro de Estudiantes de Sociología de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV); Consejeros Estudiantiles de la Escuela de Sociología de la Universidad Central de Venezuela; Frente Unido de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras por la Vida, la Salud y el Empleo (FUTRAVISEM); Sismely Carrillo, Secretario General de SINUTRASUFAR; Juan Caracas, Secretario de Seguridad y Vigilancia de SIMBOTRAS BAN HEEL; Lisandro Noguera, Secretario de Finanzas de SINTRACORSUCA; Héctor Ríos, Secretario de SINTRASELVA; José Salcedo, Secretario de Organización de SINUTRAFORJARAGUA; Álvaro Ramos, Secretario de SINUTRAFORJARAGUA; Roberto Bolívar, Secretario de Reclamos de SINTRAEMPROQUI; Héctor Bolívar y Andrés Arriaza, Secretarios del Sindicato Único de LA GIRALDA; Pedro Garrido. Secretario de Organización del Sindicato de ALUCENCA; David Hernández, Secretario General del Sindicato VASOS VENEZOLANOS; José Contreras, Secretario de Actas del Sindicato de VASOS SELVA; Luis Jiménez. Secretario de Organización de SUNTRACALIPEIMA; Luis Hernández. Secretario de Organización de TONOROGAS; Rafael Figueroa, Secretario de SINTRASOBIA; Simón Mollejón, Secretario General de SINCROSOMA, Rafael Correa, Vocal de SINCROSOMA; Luis Torrealba, Delegado de Trabajadores de CATIVEN (Anzoátegui); Periódico PROCESO; Asociación Latinoamericana de Economistas Marxistas (ALEM); Patricio Silva, Coordinador Regional de Misión Sucre, estado Aragua; Radio Comunitaria ECOS 93.9 FM (Mérida), Colectivo Editor de El Libertario; ... (more signatures)Send your signature to v.contrarepresionobrera@yahoo.com with your name, the name of your organization (labor, student, political, human rights, community, artist, intellectual etc.) if you belong to any, your city and country.

For more info - in Spanish, English & other languages - about Venezuelan situation, see http://www.nodo50.org/ellibertario.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR-VENEZUELA:

SENTENCES FOR THE SIDOR 14:

This is another item that has been all over the "anarcho-net". I have chosen to reprint the version in the Polish anarchism news service Centrum Informacji Anarchistczej . The original source is the Venezuelan anarchist magazine El Libertario.

The following is about yet another case of the so-called socialist government of Venezuela versus the workers of that country. To say the least this comes as no surprise to Molly, as she is very doubtful of the "good intentions" of a new ruling class such as the 'Boli Bourgeoise' (as they are called in Venezuela) whatever their ideological pronouncements. Self interest tends to weigh very heavy in the scale. The situation described below will undoubtedly reoccur time after time in the future, barring the end of the Peronist Chavez regime. The word "Peronist" is important in the previous sentence. Without going off the ideological deep end in describing the present regime in Venezuela as "fascist" it is very important to note that this regime stands in a long line of dirigiste populist movements in Latin America, of which the Peronist regime in Argentina was the original model, regimes that use the rhetoric of "popular power" to actually undermine any real attempt at such.

In the end the "class struggle" in such countries as Peron's Argentina and Chavez's Venezuela comes down to a struggle between the ideals that such regimes evoke and the self interest of the new ruling class. History has said that the new ruling class usually wins such encounters, but this is not inevitable. Good luck to the Venezuelan anarchists who try and push the ideas of liberty and equality beyond what the leftists in government will allow.

@@@@@@@@@@

Venezuela: El Libertario warns of possible sentence to the 14 SIDOR

After taking part in a demonstration for lack of job security in 2006, 14 workers of contractor “Transportes Camila de SIDOR” could be sentenced to 5 to 10 years in jail.

In 05 September 2006 a group of workers and union leaders staged a protest against the carrier Camila, a contractor to SIDOR (Siderurgic of the Orinoco), the principal steel core business located in Puerto Ordaz, Bolivar state, in Venezuela. The workers were protesting the failure to pay wages, and maintain health and safety, as well as the lack of tools to accomplish their work. The protest was endorsed by Readers of the “Sindicato Único de Trabajadores Siderúrgicos y Similares" (Sutiss, the SIDOR`s union), stopping the equipment whose breakdowns and lack of maintenance represented a threat to the integrity of the workers, following the safety procedures in the labor standards. The employers turned to the regional authorities, getting the Public Ministry to issue an arrest warrant against three syndical leaders and a group of workers by the National Guard, which resulted in a protest by workers of the steel mill.

In this way were arrested Leonel Grisette, a member of the Commission who represents 50% workers and 50% of employers on Sutiss; Juan Valor, Secretary of Press and Propaganda, and Jhoel Hernández, Secretary of Culture and Sports of that union. The charges against them were qualified misappropriation and restricting the freedom to work. A trial started for acts defined as crimes after the reform of the Venezuelan Penal Code (Articles 358 to 363) in 2005, and the promulgation of the Organic Law of National Security (Article 56) in 2002: both approved during the Bolivarian government and harmful to the right to strike. The three union leaders, along with 11 workers, 14 of Sidor, have been subjected since 2006 to court procedures, while the trial will end on Wednesday April 29 2009, with the possibility of a sentence of between 5 and 10 years in prison.

Remember that SIDOR was nationalized by President Hugo Chávez in April 2008, following the revocation of the contract with the Argentina transnational Techint. However, a year later, estate control has not meant an improvement in the quality of life of the workers. Speaking to “El Libertario”, Leonel Grisette said "It is not true that outsourcing has been eliminated and working conditions of the flexible workers are such that they cause accidents in 4 to 1 ratio with respect to the other workers. Collective bargaining is frozen, and despite the absence of technical safety workers as required by law, we are forced to work under irregular conditions". Moreover, nationalization has neutralized the current board of Sutiss, which has abandoned the 14 workers on trial, so they had to pay out of their own pockets the fees for their counsel, which add up to 100 million bolivars (over $ 44,000).

Human rights and labor organizations have been denouncing the criminalization of protest in Venezuela, as well as the enactment of laws to restrict the legal right to strike, such as the requirements to present themselves in court and the threat of application of the Code Criminal Law and Security of the Nation. For anarchists the legal architecture of repression is part of the government offensive to end the belligerent autonomy of social organizations, with the excuse of fighting coups d'etat and under the rhetorical mask of Bolivarian Socialism, whose consequences are suffered by the people. Although the syndical organizations split and biased within the inter-bourgeois confrontation that has occurred in the country in recent years- do not keep statistics on cases similar to the 14 SIDOR, workers in the states of Carabobo, Aragua, Miranda and Tachira have been subject to presenting themselves in the courts. In this sense statements by the peasant movement Jirajara, located in the state of Yaracuy have counted 103 cases of peasants who after participating in protests and land occupations, have been referred to the courts. For the union activists of the 14 of SIDOR, these procedures are designed to decapitate the militant labor movement, so the possible penalty of 5 or 10 years imprisonment is a warning to other activists and advocates for labor and social rights.

Rights of the people.

Historically the libertarians have argued that the people will not feel better if the stick who beats them bears the name of stick e alert the base organizations and collectives of Venezuela and of the world about the potential sentence against the 14 SIDOR. As anarchists members of El Libertario we stand in solidarity with the Venezuelan workers struggling for their rights, we support militant, honest and autonomous unions and will continue to denounce the contradictions of an authoritarian government at the service of the interests of globalized capitalism in the struggle for a self-managed and revolutionary grass-roots alternative preferable to the false polarization which exists in our country.

@@@@@@@@@@

Molly knows very intuitively about where to throw her support in situations such as these. Not that the present dictator of Venezuela equals Stalin in either power or insanity, though there is litttle doubt that Chavez is insane what with his illusions/reality of power. That is the whole point. Efforts at self management will rise and fall depending on who the caudillo favours "this week". Who knows what he will say even seven days from now. Maybe he will do a Khadaffi and change his allegiance overnight. It is actually possible that the leftist authoritarian state of Venezuela "switches sides" without any public debate before hand. Maybe this may be all to the good. A so-called 'democratic" vote in Venezuela is automatically a vote for a certain FACTION OF THE MILITARY, and it is automatically a farce. Does this have any relevance up here in Canada ? Maybe yes. Maybe no.

If nothing else this situation should give at least anarchists pause about "supporting" half assed Marxist regimes in the future, as if such "support" makes, any difference whatsoever. To be honest it actually has an effect-domestically. The more you are willing to lie about other countries, and glorify them the less people in our own country should trust you. If you are apologetic for dictatorship "A" in one part of the world, then it is "inevitable" that you will be in favour of dictatorship in other situations.

El Libertario

ellibertario@nodo50.orgwww.nodo50.org/ellibertario

(in Spanish, English & others languages)

Caracas, April 27 2009.

INTERNATIONAL ANARCHIST MOVEMENT-VENEZUELA:

CARACAS ANARCHIST BOOKFAIR:

Here's a callout from the folks at the El Libertario website/magazine in Venezuela. The following English translation is from the anarchist news site A-Infos. The following has been slightly edited for English grammar and spelling.

,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,

Venezuela 11/2009: (A) Book & Video Fair of Caracas:

The editorial collective of El Libertario

Callout.

We announce that the Venezuelan capital will be, during the second half of November 2009, the venue for D O C U M E N T (a) , the First Libertarian Print and Audiovisual Documentary Fair. (First ????-Molly)

----

With this event, we want to show the public a sample as large and representative as possible of printed and audiovisual materials produced and available today about the anarchist ideal and related subjects, because as in many other places, in Venezuela it is usually difficult to access books, periodical publications or other documents about anarchy, thus making it more difficult to overcome ignorance and misunderstanding regarding this idea and practice.

What we want will only be possible with the participation of many editorial and production initiatives that generate audiovisual documentation associated with libertarian and related topics(particularly productions in Spanish). This call is primarily directed at such initiatives because we would like to have the greatest number and diversity of materials that have been developed. So it is important to contact us in advance to determine under what conditions it would be possible to show your work. We emphasize that this callout to contact us is not only for those who make libertarian material in a relatively big or“commercial” scale. We will also welcome DIY or craft production.

In the coming months, as the required preparations move forward, we will notify you with more precise details about the Fair and its characteristics. For now, we look forward to receiving the first communication from editors and producers of libertarian materials who wish to have a presence at the event. You can contact us in writing (preferably in Spanish) to feriaa.caracas2009@]gmail.com

For info in English about us, see the English section in

www.nodo50.org/ellibertario .

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS/INTERNATIONAL ANARCHIST MOVEMENT-VENEZUELA:

HUGO CHAVEZ VERSUS THE REVOLUTION:

Recently a quite lengthy (too lengthy to reprint in full on this blog) article has been making the rounds of the 'anarchonet'. The article in question 'Venezuela, The Revolution Delayed: 10 years of Hugo Chavez's Rule' has been reprinted, amongst other places, on the A-Infos website(see HERE and HERE). You can also read it, along with other English translations from the Spanish, in the English language section of the Venezuelan anarchist publication El Libertario. The article, in fact, is an interview with members of the El Libertario collective by a French anarchist 'Charles Reeve'.

Venezuela is, of course, a darling of the present left, and the leftist attitude towards said state is even more uncritical, if that is possible, than their views of the Castroite dictatorship. The latter, of course, is reaching its end soon, and "analyses" of its successes and failings will be soon left to the political autopsy technicians. The regime of Chavez, however, appears, at least on the surface, to still have some wind in its sails- though its longevity is undoubtedly very dependent on the world price of oil.

I encourage readers to take in the full article. To those unfamiliar with previous "autopsies" of failed "socialist" states it may be quite revealing. The Venezuelan comrades provide a guide to the topsy turvy world of state socialism in power, and how such simple concepts as "cooperative" have a meaning that becomes totally different when the rising ruling class of the state bureaucrats lay their hands on them. This, of course, is old news to those of us who are old enough to have seen the Leninist states in full power and to have witnesses the old leftist reaction to them as well.

As I said, the article is far too long to reproduce here, but the following excerpts will hopefully give the flavour of it.

,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,

CHAVEZ AS CAUDILLO:

Miguel (M.) – There is a lot of talk nowadays of a left turn in Latin America. There have indeed been several governments elected who belong to traditional left tendencies. For us, there are two main currents. On the one hand are governments brought to power after great social movements,such as is the case in Bolivia and Brazil, countries with a long history of struggle.

Apart from these – and more particularly, in Venezuela - the so-called “left” governments have not come to power off the back of social movements or grassroots struggles. They belong to a cultural set more linked to Latin American populism of the caudillo variety. It is clear in our eyes that all such governments meet the needs of a situation of political crisis. It is impossible to understand the rise of Chavismo without looking back to the caracazo of 1989. These riots in Caracas left thousands dead. The pact which had existed between the various forces in politics was thus broken and society faced a crisis of governability. This concern was most acute within the ruling class itself. All the more so given that these riots opened up a cycle of struggle in Venezuelan society, with the emergence of grassroots organisations independent of the old left political parties. Some people called this “a new civil society”,particularly as regards the student movement and even the movements in the poor barrios. For example, the Human Rights group, with which I work, came about in these years. The same went for environmentalist groups and women’s groups. So people who identified with leftist ideas escaped the control of the parties.

For its part the workers’ movement mostly remained dominated by social democracy (and the Acción Democrática party), with a few fringes controlled by groups of the authoritarian Marxist left. During the 90s there was real turmoil in Venezuelan society, with popular struggles organised in opposition to A. Perez, the social-democrat president responsible for the 1989 massacres. This turmoil led to huge changes in society. Three years later, in 1992, there was an attempted military coup: a recurrent event in the history of this country, where the army has often intervened in political life. Despite their failure, within a few years these putschist army men, in particular Chávez, had managed to recuperate the whole of this popular resistance movement. Chávez’s appeal in part came from the fact that he was able to make himself seem in tune with the popular movements of the 90s.

That is how this powerful resistance movement fell behind this figure and became part of a new institutional arrangement.This was a dialectical integration: well known activists in these movements were also on the look-out for some institutional role: in their eyes, indispensable for carrying out their plans.

This “civil society” was new, having existed for barely a decade and had carved out very little space of its own in society. It had little experience in terms of concrete social engagement and anti-authoritarian organising. So now, rather surprisingly, we find the cadres of this new“civil society” in power with Chávez. The blank cheque they have given in part results from this inexperience and lack of a concrete project. Here we find the imprint of the country’s cultural make-up. Even if revolutions define themselves by breaking with such paradigms, we have to say that Chávez himself is repeating the whole caudillo, statist and militarist tradition long established in Venezuela. He has breathed fresh life into this culture.

,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,

'Chavismo” and the neo-liberal model

I. - Chavismo has another characteristic beside its links with the traditional left. The régime’s project is tied into the current international situation, which supports a global drive for capitalist rule. I will explain: nowadays it is easier to implement the plans of neo-liberal capitalism in a country with a left-wing government which uses populist slogans without provoking real mobilisation on the part of workers. For us, that is Chavismo’s principal role. Of course, I am not saying that all the people and groups who support Chávez are conscious of this. I repeat, Chavismo does not have a homogeneous supporter base. There are those who think the régime is doing the best it can to improve the lot of the people... there are even thous who are convinced that today we are experiencing a unique opportunity to “build socialism”. We, for our part, think that this neo-liberal role can be seen in the régime’s policies on oil and trade, and indeed in its whole economic agenda. This manipulative populist rhetoric covers up the real agenda of clearing the way for the implementation of the neo-liberal model, to a greater extent than ever before.

C.R. - Chavismo as the spearhead of neo-liberal policies: quite an original take on things! From this standpoint, can we see the rise - or the creation - of a new private sector emerging from the Chávez years: one based on the new networks of patronage and corruption?

I. - But obviously! In Venezuela such networks have always been integral to the functioning of society. Initially the Chavistas tried to break with this set-up. But in reality there were but minor changes in the structures of bureaucracy, and corruption and patronage continued. There are few studies of this issue. But at an empirical level we can state that it is plain to see in the oil and financial sectors where the government has introduced its plans. In the co-operative sector, for example, cliques have identifiably appropriated projects to build centres of economic power from which they can make personal gains.

,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,

CHAVEZ AND THE COOPERATIVES:

M. - Of course, we have a totally different idea of co-operatives. For us,a co-operative is an initiative which comes from below. For the Chavistas, on the contrary, enterprises in what they now call the “social economy sector” must operate in the form of state-aided co-operatives. Every day people start organising co-operatives - people who are totally foreign to the spirit and practice of co-operativism... because it is the quickest way of getting contracts and state credit! In many industries the law obliges the state to give priority of tenders to “co-operatives” above private enterprises. So many malign people have started creating co-operatives in order to win contracts with government bodies. That as the case with the public roads enterprise you mentioned. A private enterprise was thus transformed inter a co-operative to win the tender, and at a stroke the workers lost all their rights and bonuses. They now have three-month renewable contracts, such that the “co-operativist” (in reality, the new name for the boss!) has no duties towards them. Thanks to this lie, after a few months it could be said that there were 200,000 co-operatives... All this in order to make propaganda showing that society has changed. But it is all artificial, created by decree.

I. - I would add that, after the oil workers’ strike, the government learned that it had to control the world of work. First it explained that the state would create a new form of organisation based on solidarity and where all workers would benefit from the same privileges. The co-operatives! At a stroke the government broke the services contracts it had with private companies (particularly for cleaning), which by law had to pay workers ’social bonuses’. The workers were laid off and forced to seek temporary work with these co-operatives now dealing with the state.They lost the bonuses and rights which they had previously (in theory at least) had. Moreover, many of these co-operatives disappeared as soon as they were created. So we are witnessing, as your friend is right to emphasise, the casualisation of work.

VENEZUELA:

EXPOSING THE LIES OF THE CHAVEZ REGIME:

With the continued disintegration of state socialism, whether it be Leninist or social democratic, its advocates have been forced to borrow/steal wholesale from the "toolkit" of libertarian socialism. Few outside of the most doctrinaire communists promote simple nationalization as a solution to anything nowadays. Even when promoting such policies- which serve their own class interests as a would-be new ruling class controlling/owning such property- they are almost invariably obliged to cover their tracks with cant about "self-management", "cooperatives" or "co-management". All of these attempts to obscure the truth of their desire to rule are rather threadbare in countries where communist or social democratic parties have already had their historical "kick-at-the-can", but they still manage to have some currency in countries where the population has yet to see the reality in action and amongst leftists in other countries who have a "grass is always greener" approach to anything and everything which appears (at least temporarily) to oppose the American Empire. The longest standing example of this here in North America is "Cuba Worship", and this form of transferred patriotism can take some very bizarre forms. I've witnessed it myself in watching lefties trumpet the virtues of Cuba's medical system as so much better than ours here in Canada while at exactly the same time trying their hand out at charity solicitation by raising money to send medical basics such as fluids, syringes, catheters, etc. (goods often past their expiry date) down to help the Cubans. Ah...the whole idea of "one or the other", either "so much better" or "near to collapse" cannot cross their minds because they are trapped in an ideological fantasy world. But there have been a new series of Third World Heroes to worship recently. These gradually lose their lustre. One hardly hears a squeak of approval nowadays, where there used to be roars, about Lula's government in Brazil. The trouble is that the North American left seems permanently unable to learn from its previous embarrassments.

The latest white knight on the jousting field is the Chavez government in Venezuela. The following article is originally from El Libertario, an anarchist publication "on the ground" in Venezuela. I reprint this from a version found at the Anarkismo site.

...........................................

Memories of “Popular Power” in Venezuela’s Economy

by El Libertario, Venezuela Friday, May 23 2008,
* From false co-management and cooperatives to the deceitful EPS, we present a balance of what has happened in Venezuela after at least 7 years of pretending to build a socialist economy, where the available data and verifiable facts belie the failure of the Chavez administration.

Since 2001 we have heard the government’s promises to foster a production model where the Venezuelan state would create the conditions to enable and support the growth of a new endogenous economy – at first denominated popular or in solidarity, later socialist – started 4 years ago amid a plethora of promises to entice voters in the referendum of August 2004, and repeated in later electoral contests. As per the offer, the main actors and managers would be the workers involved via socialist co-management of already existing enterprises or newly constituted cooperatives. This discourse became more intense and radical as the years went by, when everybody, from Chavez on down to the last official voice would not cease to repeat that the irreversible construction of a revolutionary and participatory production structure had started, in which were invested all efforts and resources possible, as emphatically proclaimed every Sunday during the presidential TV show, from where the slogan “factory closed, factory taken” (by their workers) was announced and where we were told that we had become the country with the most cooperatives in the whole world.

* Questioning the farce

Very soon, we anarchists started to warn (see nos. 38, 42 and 43 of El Libertario) about what was hiding behind the proclaimed intention to “build Bolivarian socialism” as the official slogan proclaimed. This is in essence what we have said about it:

- The state-promoted cooperatives were a way to minimize the statistics of unemployment and of employment in the informal economy, an easy way to generate temporary employment, underpaid and without benefits, where the precarious working conditions prevalent in the majority of the flaming socialist cooperatives soon became evident, where one or a few – connected to the spheres of official power upon which depend the survival of these initiatives – end up being the bosses of the rest of the “associates”. As far as concrete results from this boom of Bolivarian cooperatives, see next.

---------------------

Numbers from the “cemetery of cooperatives”

// According to SUNACOOP (National Supervisory of Cooperatives) and other official pronouncements there are 200,000 registered cooperatives, although in 2007 there was talk of 250,000; nevertheless, in attempting to formally quantify real cooperative activity – a survey by SUNACOOP in 2006 – the number was barely 47,000 cooperatives.

// According to official propaganda, the missions Vuelvan Caras I and II between 2004 and 2006 received 954 million Bolivars that allowed 627,554 lancers (mission participants) to organize 6,814 cooperatives, in turn grouped in 130 Nuclei of Endogenous Development.

// Qualified experts on cooperatives in this country question the validity and the simplistic bent of the official data: Oscar Bastidas has said that what really exists is a “cemetery of cooperatives”; while Alberto Dorrenochea says that in the most optimist scenario there would be some 15,000 active cooperatives.

// Out of the 47,000 associations surveyed in 2006, 67% (31,486) were not active. Considering the total surveyed, 74.5% are registered as commerce and services. Hardly 14% (6,580) have received financial support from public or private banks, of which a little more than half have accounted for the resources received.

// The 2006 survey includes 4,836 cooperatives registered by participants in the Vuelvan Caras missions, which is 29% less than the number published by the official propaganda. Out of that number surveyed, only 49% (2,370) were active, of which 76% are in commerce and communal services, while only 24% (569) were involved in production.

--------------------

- Since the beginning, co-management has been a ruse so that a handful of private enterprises in bankruptcy or serious difficulties (about half a dozen in the country) could become government property by way of “expropriations” that in every case were juicy business for the former owners (and their associates in the government) and with no protest from those affected by this presumably anti-capitalist action being heard. There was also a state enterprise (Alcasa) around which the myth of the achievement of a socialist co-managed administration was created, which has been questioned with powerful arguments (see El Libertario #51 and press releases about Alcasa early in 2008)

- Unfortunately, cooperatives and co-managed enterprises for the most part owe their existence less to struggle and/or grass-roots consciousness raising and more to a need for imagery to seduce the popular sectors – attracted by the offer of money, employment and government backing – as well as the militants convinced that they are part of a deepening revolutionary process; and that’s the reason why they are also useful to domesticate and contain possible insurgency from sectors susceptible to radicalization or to asking uncomfortable questions, as well as for the creation of new political clients.

- In practice, the Venezuelan state wants to maintain absolute control over these initiatives. To their chagrin (and more and more, over their sore backs) many workers have seen that socialist verbosity on Sunday TV is one thing and concrete action by the state is another, that the state only loosens the purse strings and gives support when it has the obedience of the “Sovereign” as the Chavez machine likes to call its docile followers, without forgetting the insulting cynicism of this authoritarian intervention being made via ministries self-proclaimed as from the “Popular Power” since January 2007.

* More Fairy Tales

The failure of cooperatives and co-management of the kind promoted by the government is evident between the end of 2007 and beginning 2008, in consequence the official discourse has had to mutate and now we have the joke of Socialist or Social (both are used) Production Enterprises (EPS in the Spanish acronym) proclaiming that now, yes, we have the formula to arrive at the promised land of Socialist Endogenous Development. The truth is that explaining what EPS’s are is a useless exercise since under this acronym they include what’s left of cooperatives and co-managed enterprises plus state-owned companies and private capitalist firms that for one reason or another align themselves with the state.

Recent official proclamations (see El Universal 03/11/08) say that by 2009 there will be 73 new EPS’s, the result of the “Socialist Factories” plan, under indirect social management – a euphemism that translates as state-owned capitalist enterprises – that would be the base for future endogenous industrialization. Such announcement can only be taken as a joke, considering what happened to Alcasa, Invepal, Invetex, Inveval, Sideroca/Venetub, Sanitarios Maracay, Central Azucarero Cumanacoa, Central Azucarero Motatan, Merida’s Solid Waste Treatment plant, Sabaneta’s Centinela tomato farm, to mention only the most recent cases which can be corroborated in the press and the Internet, where it has been mainly the workers who pay for the damages caused by corruption, authoritarianism and incompetence which are the product of the vile actions of this “Popular Power” when it intervenes in industrial activity.

Armando Vergueiro

[Translation: Luis Prat]

(El Libertario #53, p.5, May- June 2008, Venezuela)
http://www.nodo50.org/ellibertario

VENEZUELA:

ANARCHISM IN VENEZUELA, PAST AND PRESENT:

The following is an article on the history of anarchism in Venezuela, originally published in the Venezuelan anarchist magazine El Libertario. I have used an English translation recently published on the A-Infos board rather than do my own translation. The following has been slightly edited for clarity.

...........................................

Anarchism in Venezuela, past and present

This is a brief outline of the libertarian footprint in the history of Venezuela, prepared by members of the Collective Editorship of El Libertario, www.nodo50.org/ellibertario. We hope that this serves as a useful point of reference for those who are interested in the subject. ---- The profile of anarchism in Venezuelan history has been less pronounced than in other parts of Latin America, where it has vigorously manifested itself through collective struggles, publications, personalities and ideological debate. It is, however, worth pointing out that it has also influenced our social and cultural evolution. ---- From the end of the 19th Century to the first third of the 20th Century, some local intellectuals were either sympathizers or tolerant readers of anarchism, but nothing like a Flores Magón, Barret, Oiticica, González Prada or other exponents of Latin American anarchist thought (Cappelletti 1990). The few who did explore libertarian pathways produced hardly any written material, and then veered towards positivism or Marxism; it is only worth mentioning Pío Tamayo, who taught the ‘socialism of Bakunin and Marx’ to young anti-Gómez activists in prison until shortly before his death in 1936(Sananes 1987). In terms of popular struggle, historians of the Federal War (1859-63) – the biggest social upheaval between Independence and the petrol era- point out the influence of Proudhon and French socialism on Ezequiel Zamora, General del Pueblo Soberano (General of the Sovereign Nation). The Zamorist federal program was clear, “…horror of the oligarchy, freedom for men and lands, social equality”, expressing a radical intent that was only halted by his assassination. (Brito Figueroa 1981)

At the beginning of the 20th Century, European anarcho-syndicalist immigrants contributed towards the emergence of worker organisations despite economic, social and cultural backwardness (Rodríguez 1993). These efforts –the formation of mutual societies and guilds, strikes, propaganda etc – gained them a certain notoriety in the era of the oil industry. The dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez (1908-35), however, viciously repressed all syndical activity, preventing it from developing as it did in other latitudes. The few hounded social militants that remained in the country tried with great difficulty to generate political thought, whilst the majority of the anti-Gómez exiles were not open to radical thought. Amongst the radical minority, the attractiveness of the expansion of Russian bolshevism proved too strong and effectively stemmed the flow of anarchist thought. When this Marxist faction returned after the death of the tyrant, it occupied the entire field of left wing politics, absorbing the handful of readers and clandestine disciples of the libertarian ideal, who were even among the founders of the Venezuelan Communist Party (PCV- 1936) and Acción Democrática (1941), the two parties that would subsequently control the process of the political organisation of the masses. Additionally, the anti-anarchist repression had a constitutional footing and was implemented in the so-called Ley Lara (Lara law) which was in effect between 1936-45.

Many exiled Spanish anarchists arrived in Venezuela during the 1940’s and 1950’s, and had to deal, not only with the weight of defeat in the Spanish Civil War, but also an adoptive environment where their ideas were seen as strange. The urgent need to subsist and the imperative to adapt to the atmosphere of brutal authoritarianism were additional obstacles to the organisation of potential local sympathizers. Their efforts were not, however, in vain, particularly after 1958 when, after ten years of military dictatorship, the Federación Obrera Regional Venezolana – FORVE (Venezuelan Regional Workers Federation), affiliated to the International Workers Association, a global anarcho-syndicalist movement founded in 1922, was established. Some specific groups were also formed; newspapers, pamphlets and books were produced, but little of this activity transcended the most politically aware circles of Spanish immigrants (Montes de Oca 2008).

The wave of socio-political contestation that was experienced globally at the tail end of the 1960’s – especially May 1968 in France with its indubitable libertarian roots – also took hold in Venezuela. Its mark can be clearly seen in the Renovación Universitaria (University Renewal) that profoundly shook the principal institutions of higher education in Venezuela between 1968-70, and maintained its presence in subsequent student movements and alternative culture. However, apart from the diminishing presence of Spanish veterans, years would pass before groups that identified themselves with the ideal and practice of anarchism would exist. This is because, in the 70’s, Marxism was still considered the irreplaceable ideological support for any revolutionary proposal in Venezuela.Between 1980 and 1995 there were clearly anarchist attempts to connect with social struggles and movements, the Colectivo Autogestionario Libertario - CAL (Libertarian Self-managing Collective) being the most visible. Two journals, El Libertario (published by CAL – 9 editions between 1985-87) and Correo A (28 editions between 1987 and 1995), were points of reference and reunion for activists, exiled Latin American libertarians, and, principally, young people who came to anarchism through the punk scene. Also noteworthy at this time was the academic and informative activity of Angel Cappelletti, an Argentinian anarchist who worked in Venezuela for 26 years (Méndez & Vallota 2001). Despite the difficulties inherent in trying to propagate and push forward anarchist proposals of self-management and direct action in an environment where they were either unknown or poorly interpreted, little by little routes towards diverse spaces where such projects could be expressed became apparent. And then on 27/02/1989 the popular rising known as the ‘Caracazo’ occurred, which together with other national events (particularly the crisis of near total dependency on the oil industry and of the political model that was established in 1958) and international events (such as the fall of the Eastern European bureaucracies), opened spaces where the libertarian ideal could be propagated.

The attempt to fuse anarchism with concrete collective struggles was made more apparent by the reappearance of El Libertario in 1995, whose working group called itself first, the Comisión de Relaciones Anarquistas - CRA (Commission of Anarchist Relations), and after 2007 the Collective Editorship of El Libertario. It is the most lasting publication in local libertarian history, publishing 5 editions every year and with a significant circulation compared with other local and continental publications. Side by side with El Libertario are numerous core groups and initiatives with various areas of intervention and which are located in diverse regions, highlighting the working of specific spaces( such as the CESL in Caracas, the CEA in Mérida and the Ateneo La Libertaria, first in Biscucuy and then in the rural area to the southwest of Lara), the organisation in January 2006 of the Alternative Social Forum in Caracas, the activity of the Anarchist Black Cross, the persistent publication of various informative materials, and the impulse given to distinct events of social protest and cultural agitation. This process has had to overcome the test of the ‘Bolivarian revolution’, led by Hugo Chávez, which for anarchists represents a demagogic, corrupt, militarist and inefficient swindle which has deceived a large sector of local and international socialists, making the development of autonomous popular movements, a course of action promoted by Venezuelan anarchism, more difficult.

Bibliography

* Alterforo (2006). –Bulletin in Spanish and English of the Alternative Social Forum- Caracas.

* BRITO FIGUEROA, F. (1981). _Tiempo de Ezequiel Zamora_, Caracas, UCV.

* CAPPELLETTI, A. (1990). “Anarquismo Latinoamericano”, pp. IX-CCXVI, in A. Cappelletti & A. Rama (Eds.): _El Anarquismo en América Latina_, Caracas, Biblioteca Ayacucho.

* Correo A (1987-1995). Caracas (Also at: www.geocities.com/samizdata.geo/CorreoA.html).

* El Libertario (1985-1987). Caracas.

* El Libertario (1995-2008). Caracas (also at: www.nodo50.org/ellibertario, with an extensive English section).* MÉNDEZ, N. & A. VALLOTA (2001). _Bitácora de la Utopía_, Caracas, UCV (Also available at various internet sites).

* MONTES DE OCA, R. (2008) “Anarquismo en Venezuela”, Caracas, unpublished.

* RODRÍGUEZ, L. (1993). “Conociendo al Anarcosindicalismo Venezolano”. Correo A, Caracas, # 22, pp.16-17.* SANANES, M. (1987). _Pío Tamayo, una Obra para la Justicia, el Amor y la Libertad_, Caracas.* UZCATEGUI, R. (2001). _Corazón de Tinta_, Caracas, Naufrago de Itaca.

[El Libertario, # 53, April-May 2008, Venezuela]

INTERNATIONAL ANARCHISM:

STATEMENT OF THE VENEZUELAN ANARCHISTS:

Nowadays anarchism has a worldwide presence which it lacked even two deacdes ago. One of the places where anarchism has come to be reborn is in the country of Venezuela, noted today for the opposition of its would-be dictator to the American Empire. In situations such as this anarchists have a particularily difficult row to hoe, not trusting in the "revolutionary state", but still attempting to influence popular movements in a libertarian direction that will allow them to escape the congtrol of the statist ruling class. here is a recent statement of the Venezuelan anarchists, as per an editorial from their journal El Libertario...

"Venezuela: Anarchist journal - El Libertario # 52, Editorial - Against (B)oligarchy, demagogy and corruption. Autonomous struggle from the ground up!Date Mon, 18 Feb 2008 00:23:18 +0200
Issue #52 of El Libertario is out www.nodo50.org/ellibertario. In its editorial we reaffirm the commitment of this voice of Venezuelan anarchism to maintain a critical viewpoint on the country's realities, as well as our stand in solidarity with the struggle for liberty and equality. ---- [TN: (B)oligarchy is a play with words meaning Bolivarian oligarchy] ---- The year begins and it's already clear that the electoral circus will be used once again to tame the social struggle in Venezuela, a script routinely applied with success for the last 10 years. Elections for governors, state representatives and mayors are set for November 16, so the official politicos and the opposition started campaigning right after the Constitutional Referendum of December 2nd, again with the sneaky proposal to postpone collective demands in order to be elected to the contested positions. Both sides continue to sell the canard that given the importance of these elections to regain freedom or to advance the revolution nothing matters more in 2008 than to clear the road to victory at the ballot, after which these enlightened representatives of the people will work tirelessly and expertly to satisfy the electors' demands.Let's not waste words explaining the lies behind such an offer, as anybody who has lived in this country and has heard or experienced what happens with those favored by the vote can attest to. In this bunch one can distinguish - among the thoroughly inept and the mildly useless - the shamelessly corrupt from the influence peddlers, or the technocrats pretending to be efficient from the vociferous demagogues. Nevertheless, they all match each other in their quest to pacify (willingly or by force) anything that barely resembles autonomous struggle from below. Neither can we forget two things that were clear on December 2nd and about which they all remain quiet: on the one hand the military has the last word on the desired results, running roughshod over the idea that the popular will is what decides the elections; and on the other the dubious cleanliness of these ballots with the 15% of the affidavits and the 1,800,000 votes still uncounted by the CNE (the electoral court) in this referendum officially declared by a margin of 125,000 votes.Given that this joke is repeated once again and we the people could very well stop paying attention, the comedians du jour swear up and down that now, yes, this time there will be excellent candidates committed unto death to the revolution or to democracy according to the verbose discourse from each side, and they will also mix heroic honesty (according to ideological preference, Che Guevara vs. Mother Teresa) with flawless managerial efficiency (ditto, transnational senior executive vs. finance commissar of the FARC). These hoarse siren songs have already started and you can be quite sure they will grow in the coming months, but the lie is obvious to anyone who wants to see once the final slate of candidates is imposed from above by the normal process of dirty tricks and partisan low blows, favoring the same old actors that have long been tricking us with their game of three card Monte together with some new faces ready to repeat the old swindle.Given this panorama, we have no doubts about the road we will propose and support, the same road we have insisted upon for years. Compiled in this issue are some of its concrete expressions and proposals for action: rebuilding the autonomy of the social struggles, the only route for those exploited and oppressed to advance a solution to their current problems. Nine years is more than enough to know that there's nothing to be hoped for from the messianic leadership incarnated in Hugo Chávez and the previous four decades tell us something similar about the partisan bureaucracies that today form the opposition, so the real dilemma is whether we'll keep on riding the deadly electoral wagon that only brings us to these failed destinations or whether we'll all together build another alternative, harmonizing the individual with the collective, with conscious participation that does not delegate but trusts in our abilities, with horizontal organization, without authoritarian impositions of any kind, joining our demands with the capacity to solve them that exists in our collectives. This road will bring us the possibility of a positive and profound transformation in Venezuela. "

Molly Note:

Molly has to admit that she is very pessimistic in regards to the outcome of the events in Venezuela. Ordinary people there have seen vistas opened to them of real socialism ie real democratic control. Still, many of these "roads to freedom" have already been closed by the bureaucracy headed by Chavez. Others will become thoroughly corrupted and become a mere recruiting ground for junior members of the ruling class. Revolutions happen when an old ruling class can no longer rule. Pseudo-revolutions happen when portions of that old ruling class and a new ruling class play "let's make a deal". Venezuela is unique in that its so-called revolution is being carried out in conditions of financial surplus. The old ruling class could rule very well if it had the opportunity. As it is they make deals with an increasing weight of newcomers in the Chavezist bureaucracy to divide the spoils. This new ruling class, from its right wing technocrats to its "left wing" Leninists has absolutely no interest in sharing power with a popular movement that they cannot control. The would-be dictator on the top of this fulminating sea of opportunists has only one interest- to stay in power, and he will do whatever it takes to achieve his goal. The only thing that drives this caudillo, very much in the image of Juan Peron, is his own delusions of his historical importance. The "base" of the Chavezistas believe that their "supreme leader" belives in the same things they do as they attempt to recover control over their lives. This is a fatal delusion. No matter who wins the power struggle in present-day Venezuela Molly is of the opinion that no great libertarian socialism (or socialism period) will result. No matter how much people may learn in crisis situations it does not replace the implantation of libertarian ideas over the course of decades that would lead people to be "not fooled" in the situation of a revolution. So-called revolutions led by statist parties and conspiracies lead to nothing but the rfepression of the revolutionaries of the base. this is, of course, in the absence of a right wing coup as the new aspiring ruling class progressively makes a mess of things. Very much luck to our Venezuelan comrades.

THE YEAR THAT WAS:

THE BEST ANARCHIST SITES OF 2007:

Despite its small size the anarchist movement continued to expand in 2007, and nowhere was this more apparent than on the internet where anarchists have gleefully seized the possibilities that the medium offers. What follows are Molly's admittedly biased picks for the Top Ten anarchist sites of 2007. Picked for a number of reasons, of which public attractiveness (hence no crazies), usefulness, diligence and attractiveness were the main criteria, Molly's choices might be argued with, but they were what she found best in the year that was. So, on to the show....

10: Leading out at spot number 10 is the new La Commune-Montreal blog, up and about since September and already with over 8500 hits. This francophone blog is "La Blogue d'information Politique de l'Union Locale'" of NEFAC in Montreal. This "BIP" is, of course, written from a platformist perspective, but the subjects covered are far ranging. despite having less than a dozen contributors the spot remains timely and up-to-date, unlike many sites that are founded in a flurry of enthusiasm and rapidly peter out. As per many of the new breed of anarchist sites La Commune also enables you to download pdf copies of their print magazine, Cause Commune. A good selection of links as well.

9: Following close on the heels of this newbie is what may be the grandmother of all such sites. These good people, from Brighton, England began their weekly(more or less) newsletter many years ago in the "age of print", and now they are on issue # 614. Schnews has never pretended to be either an organization building organ nor anything more than what it is- the newsletter of a local anarchist group that focuses on their neighbourhood but will often carry news and comment from the wider world. But they do a wonderful job at what they do. The print form of their publication is also available at the site in pdf format for those who might want to distribute it elsewhere. An extensive list of links, in many categories, including film downloads. A site well worth imitating for those who might like to start their own local anarchist site/publication. Also the grand prize winner in the category of "persistence".

8: Persistent in another way is winner # 8, the Spanish language site, El Libertario, from Venezuela. This is the online presence of the magazine of the same name, and it works under extremely difficult conditions, published as it is in a country governed by a demagogue who has his own ideas of "revolution". The Venezuelan comrades have to steer their boat in a sea made up of the followers of this pseudo-socialism and a perhaps more repellent right wing influence, both domestic and foreign. Not that the comrades of El Libertario have always been right, but they have held up the fact that anarchism is not just a more disorganized form of leftism to public view. El Libertario has an extensive list of links in Spanish and a small section of news in English. Also a library of texts en Espanol.

7: Then there is yet another form of persistence. The main site of the IWW, the Industrial Workers of the World, is the online presence of the oldest existing revolutionary syndicalist organization in the world, one over 100 years young, having been formed in 1905. Through thick and thin the IWW has survived, if not always prospered, and in recent years it has experienced remarkable growth as a new generation of anarchists has entered it in search of a practical outlet for their idealism. A hugely varied site- events, forums, blogs, a pdf of the Industrial Worker, their print organ, graphics and much more. Breaking news of syndicalism in the USA, Canada, Britain, Australia, Germany and other places. Catch up on the new generation of workers' organization here.

6: Speaking of syndicalism, another Spanish language site, that of the Spanish CGT, also comes in on this list at number 6. This is the official site of the world's largest present day anarcho-syndicalist organization, the Confederacion General de Trabajo of Spain. Contains an extensive guide to their organization, now the third largest union federation in Spain, an extensive listing of texts (in Spanish), including many unavailable elsewhere, and even a musical section where you can listen to Spanish anarchist songs. Their newspaper Royo y Negro is available here in pdf format.

5: Also on the syndicalist beat we shouldn't forget the winners of place # 5, the French CNT and their website. There are actually two CNTs (Confedration Nationale be Travaille) in France, but this site is that of the non-AIT group often known as the CNT-Vignoles from the street on which their main office is located. They are the much larger and more active group, actually functioning as an union rather than a propaganda group. Since its gradual fade-away following the World Wars, French anarchism has lacked a syndicalist presence, even though the original CGT was the founder of the revolutionary syndicalist way of organizing. In recent years the CNT has brought this tradition back, and it is one of the most dynamic anarcho-syndicalist groups in existence today. The site is in French, but there is a limited translation capacity for English and Spanish. Make sure to sign up for their e-newsletter.

4: The fourth place in this list goes to the Anarkismo site. Sorta the "party organ" of international platformism, it is spectacularly multilingual, though the base language is English. Source of many of the best theoretical articles from the platformist current, as well as a good newsfeed. Contains feeds from other libertarian publications in the "social anarchist" sector, as well as lists of anarcho-communist events. Lacking links and an organized library, this site is still very much worth visiting as the entry point to international platformism.

3: But for sheer timeliness and productivity few sites can beat Le Revue Gauche, produced by Eugene Plawiuk in Edmonton. Almost every day without fail since December 2004 LRG has kicked out news, both local, provincial, national and international as well as commentary from a combative but wryly humorous standpoint. Often voted "the best blog" in many online polls, LRG draws an incredibly large audience, having seen 224,058 unique vistors in 2007. It's doubtful if there is any other anarchist site in the world that has done so much to present the ideas to a wider public. Also an incredibly rich site in terms of its links and syndications. A joy to explore.

2: Number 2 on this list is the venerable A-Infos, the oldest of the anarchist newsgroups. Lacking all the bells and whistles, A-Infos does its job of being the most comprehensive source of anarchist news on the international scene. No graphics, no fancy sidebars; sorta an anarchist Dragnet-"just the facts m'am". Resolutely social anarchist and excluding the various nutbars that populate the world of "fashion anarchism" it still has few axes to grind and presents the decent side of the movement in all its diversity. The best place to check up on the daily anarchist news.

AND NOW...NUMBER ONE ON MOLLYMEW'S LIST OF HER FAVOURITE ANARCHIST SITES OF 2007:
THE CROWD IS HUSHED. THE WINNER IS
LIBCOM. !!!!!!!!!!!!
LibCom, the anarchocommunist site produced out of Britain may not be the easiest site to navigate, but the visitor will be well rewarded for the effort. Its newsfeed function is "class struggle" in orientation, and it ventures into ground that is too often ignored by more ideologically "pure" anarchist sites. Its international coverage is excellent, and you'll find news here that is unavailable anywhere else. The stories are also much easier to "track-back" than on some other sites. The library function of the site contains a wealth of history, biography, texts, theory and much more that makes this the equal, and in some ways the superior, of sites devoted only to such things such as the Anarchist Archives. You want organizing manuals ? They have them. If you visit there be sure to check out the forums section. Besides giving living proof that anarchists are not the rhetoric spouting robots that some more juvenile offerings give the impression of, the forums can often be belly laugh funny. A rare event in any political site.


That's it for now. Let's see what 2008 brings.

ANARCHIST FILM:

SECOND CALL: CARACAS, 2ND SCREENING OF VIDEO ACTIVISM AND INDEPENDENT DOCUMENTARIES:

This call has been send out before, but the Venezuelan comrades have repeated it:

"The collective editors of the Venezuelan journal El Libertario an the Organization Nelson Garrido have issued a call out for filmmakers and video activists from all over the world to present their recent autonomous works concerning active social movements in struggle. This will be held in Caracas, Venezuela between the 21st and 28th of January 2008....Two years ago as part of the Alternative Social Forum that took place in Caracas in January 2006, the first screening of independent documentaries and video activism took place, in which 13 documentaries from seven countries were screened (http://www.fsa.contrapoder.org.ve/nuestravideo.htm ) . We are issuing a call out now for the second screening which will take place in the Venezuelan capital, as well as in other cities in Venezuela.

The event is open to productions in the Spanish language, as well as those made in other languages as long as they have Spanish subtitles. Productions to be entered must be on DVD and have a sheet with the appropriate technical details. Anyone interested in participating should contact us with a brief synopsis of their project at periodicoellibertario@gmail.com .

The objectives of the screening are:

-To screen recent autonomous audiovisual productions that document social movements.

-The creation of a space dedicated to the development and diffusion of video activism.

-To promote independent film circuits, alternatives of intercultural exchange and audiovisual projection.

In addition to this we shall be showing, as a special activity, the film screening 'Grito suburbano: 30 anos de punk en Iberoamerica' (Shouting from the Suburbs: 30 Years of Punk in Latin America), with the objective of recording the context of poverty and military dictatorship in which this counterculture developed in our countries.

The venue for the screenings in Caracas will be the headquarters of the Nelson Garrido Organization (ONG), an independent space for alternative culture and development (http://www.organizatcionnelsongarrido.com/ ), from the 21st to the 28th of January 2008. The organizers hope to include in the program a basic theoretical/practical workshop on documentary film making for activists of social organizations. The ONG offers to pay for the living costs of anyone who would be able to facilitate this dynamic training.

For more information about El Libertario (in Spanish and English) visit the website at http://www.nodo50.org/ellibertario .