INTERNATIONAL POLITICS-NEPAL:

MAOISTS BECOME CAPITALISTS:

The following article is from the LibCom website. I republish it here, not because its subject matter is of tremendous, earth-shattering importance. In actual fact the political gyrations of the Maoists in the country of Nepal have minimal impact on anything else in the world, aside from being a bone of contention between China and India. Maoism, as a serious political current, has been a spent force for decades, barely able, in most countries, to raise the number of recruits that are signed up by fifth rate religious cults. Maoism, however, always had more than a little of the cultish about it.

The following is presently therefore mostly for pure intellectual interest. If it has any overriding "message" it is merely as a cautionary tale for those who might put their faith in other, less bizarre, leftist political movements. Even those who might seem most "revolutionary" while in opposition usually become quite tame once in power. In actual fact this "backsliding" on the part of the Maoists in Nepal spares the Nepalese people a repetition of the tragic events of "ideologues in power" that filled the graveyards of the 20th century.

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Nepal: victory turns sour:
Submitted by Ret Marut on Jan 22 2009
As a strike wave sweeps the country, the Maoist leadership agrees to banning strikes.
Since the Maoists emerged in the April 2008 Nepal elections as the largest party (though without an absolute majority) to lead the new coalition government, they have failed to heal existing divisions - in their own party, within the parliamentary political system and its ruling class - or within the intermingled social, caste and ethnic tensions across the wider society. In fact, all these divides have widened. And since November a strike wave has spread across the country.

Maoist 'People's Vanguard' versus striking workers

The ongoing strike wave is diverse(1); everyone from transport workers, labourers and poor villagers to doctors, teachers, students, journalists and other professionals are striking and blockading across the country. The demands are equally wide-ranging; wage rises to counter rising food and fuel prices, demands for better public services, local councils in remote rural areas demanding increased funding from central government, calls for land distribution to the rural poor. There are also many short local strikes and actions in protest at attacks, murders and intimidation by political factions; relatives of murdered victims demand compensation and investigation of the crimes. Some strikes are led by different unions (with their various political affiliations, including the Maoists), others actions are self-organised by participants. Therefore some will be a more genuine expression of self-organisation in pursuit of material need - while others may be called as political strikes to pursue, not workers interests, but only political advantages of one party faction over another.

And the conditions of life giving rise to the social unrest grow worse. Inflation of basic goods continues, the electricity infrastructure cannot meet anywhere near the demand of consumers; 16 hr interruptions to supply for "load-shedding" have become routine across the country and both domestic and business life is planned around them. (Some claim this is partly a result of the Maoist destruction of electricity sub-stations during the 10 year guerrilla war and the subsequent decline in infrastructure projects.(2)) This frustrates employers and workers alike, limiting productivity for bosses and also lowering pay for workers who aren't paid for interruptions. The hungry bellies of the poor are rumbling with discontent, and even the professional middle classes are feeling pangs of frustration.

Faced with the unrest, Maoist Party leader and Nepalese Prime Minister Prachanda proposed to fellow politicians a ban on all public sector strikes, to which the seven major parties all agreed. In a recent press interview, just prior to the agreement, the Maoist governmental Finance Minister Dr Baburam Bhattarai tried to justify a ban;

Q: The business community's concerns are exactly what you stated. One, they say,
the government's attitude to labour issues leaves a lot to be desired and that
labour problems are getting worse. Second, there cannot be high growth until
there is an adequate supply of power.
Bhattarai: I wouldn't say the situation
is getting worse. Things were much worse in the past. But the people wanted very
fast recovery; that hasn't happened. Things are improving but not to the desired
level. Both the management and workers have a common interest now, for the
development of the economy. They both fought against the feudalism, autocracy
and monarchy. Now, to create a vibrant industrial economy, is in the interest of
both the management and the workers. But this reality is not sinking in their
minds. This government is playing its role in creating a healthy relationship
between the two. There were some disputes, especially regarding the minimum wage
issue. This has been solved. So what I appeal to the management is that they
should provide the minimum wage. The workers shouldn't resort to bandas and
strikes. If this understanding is honoured we'll have a healthy environment in
the days to come.
Q: So the party wants to ensure that whenever there is a
labour dispute, legal recourse should be taken?
Bhattarai: Yes. At least for
some time, there should be no bandas and strikes in the industrial, health,
education sectors, on the major highways, in the public utility sectors. The
government is trying to build political consensus on this issue.http://www.kantipuronline.com/interview.php?&nid=175026

80% of Nepal's population is rural and amid the rocky mountain terrain there is a shortage of arable land (only about 20% can be cultivated) and a lack of infrastructure; unsurprisingly there is increasing seasonal and permanent migration to cities into casualised employment. But most of the country is too economically weak to develop much beyond a subsistence economy - and in the present global recession attracting significant foreign investment looks more remote than ever.

Nepal is in reality an underdeveloped capitalist economy with certain remaining feudal hangovers within social relationships. (These traditions are either declining or adapting to modern-day norms.) Abolition of monarchy and the pro-democracy movements in recent decades might be seen as part of an unfinished bourgeois revolution(3) - yet the Maoist leadership generally present their desire to move towards greater industrialisation as the beginning of a bourgeois-democratic revolution. The Maoists portray the present period as one in which Nepal is emerging from feudalism (as supposedly evidenced by the recent abolition of the monarchy; unlike, e.g, 'feudal' royalist Britain!) and so needs to build up a strong national industrial economy. The lack of a strong national entrepreneurial bourgeoisie has hindered such a development in Nepal, and - like nationalist and leftist parties across the '3rd World' - the Maoists intend to play that developmental role themselves, in alliance with other 'progressive' bourgeois forces. The Maoist leadership are reported to be discussing with China the creation of Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in Nepal. SEZ's are industrial zones offering partial or complete tax exemption to foreign investors (and sometimes also to native capitalists) along with other financial benefits including stricter labour discipline. Having just passed the relevant legislation, their concern to impose stricter discipline on unruly workers is clearly linked to establishing SEZ's and a general desire to attract greater foreign investment;

KATHMANDU, Jan 22: After four years of finalizing the draft, the cabinet on
Thursday endorsed Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Act, paving way for the
implementation of the SEZ projects in the country. [...]...the Act treats SEZ as
a land where other domestic laws related to labor and industries would not be
applicable. It has mooted an autonomous SEZ Authority to oversee its
operations.
The source stated that the ratification of the Act, which had so
far lingered due to the differences over the tighter labor provisions, had
became possible after the seven parties recently agreed not to launch strikes in
the industries or disturb productions.
“The Act allows workers to unite and
practice collective bargaining, but prohibits them from undertaking activities
that affect production and normal operations of industries,” said the source. It
also allows the entrepreneurs to hire workers on a contract basis. [Our
emphasis.] http://myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=1357

Courted by rivals

Last year we observed;

Any future Maoist rule in Nepal, whether in local or central government is
likely to try to model itself on the regimes of those Indian states run by local
'Communist' Parties - crude forms of municipal Stalinism with an increasingly
market-oriented openness to foreign investors enticed by tax-free Economic
Processing Zones. Much like those typically seen in other more developed Asian
economies, but with even more 'competitive' wage levels. But that is so far
wishful thinking for Nepal; one of the least developed economies with one of the
least skilled workforces and a weak infrastructure - and consequently, so far,
one of the least attractive investment options. http://libcom.org/news/nepal-terai-ethnic-strike-ends-concessions-01032008

Maoist leaders have expressed desires for closer economic co-operation with both its big brother neighbours. It is likely that in the long term, China intends to treat Nepal as an extended zone of its economic activity, somewhere with cheaper labour costs to outsource to, so as to offset rising labour costs in China. But, for the moment, the global recession limits the likelihood of such investments. Nepal's southern neighbour, India, is never happy to see closer relations between Nepal and its rival China, but it has its own economic leverage. India is downstream from the untapped hydro-electric potential locked in Nepal's great Himalayan water systems, has longed wanted to exploit it and can offer investment and expertise. China is investing in various infrastructure and transport links in poorer South Asian countries, but northern Nepal is hemmed in by the Himalayan peaks and so remains dependent on India for the continued flow of essential supplies across its southern border. It is a commonplace that Nepali politicians periodically use the anti-Indian nationalist card to distract from their problems and failings at home, as the Maoists are doing at present; but for all the nationalist rhetoric, they know any threat to an open border would be, at present, close to economic suicide. (This was illustrated when India expressed its dissatisfaction at Nepal buying arms from China by closing the border for several months in the 1980s - a move that progressively paralysed Nepal.)

The Nepalese and Indian armies have traditionally had a close relationship. The famous Ghorkas serve in both armies. The Indian army trains most Nepalese officers - there is such a close relationship that the Indian Army chief is honorary chief of the Nepali Army traditionally and vice-versa. The negotiations that are dragging on over how/if/when Nepal's Maoist ex-guerrillas should be integrated into the Nepalese Army are therefore of some concern to India. The Maoists are attempting to gain greater control over the Army, causing serious unease in rival parties.
Old or new Maoism for the Party?

A deep split in the Maoist Party has emerged; Prachanda and co.'s ruling elite are comfortably settled in their lucrative governmental positions(4) and appear to prefer to pursue a 'parliamentary road to [so-called] socialism'. Having ended the 10 year civil war after realising its limits as, at best, an indefinite stalemate between state and guerrillas - and being forced to acknowledge that, in any case, powerful neighbours India and China would probably not sit idly by in the event of a bloody military coup likely to destabilise the wider region - the party leadership committed itself to parliamentary conquest and secured electoral victory.

Meanwhile, the lower level party cadre have gained little from the electoral road. Unlike in many other 'national liberation struggles', the Nepali Maoists did not decisively defeat other ruling class factions - instead, they achieved political power via a compromise with them. So many of the comfortable official posts are already filled; as one of the poorest countries in the world, Nepal has too few resources to expand its existing bureaucratic class or its entrepreneurial middle class sufficiently to absorb former guerrilla personnel to their satisfaction. So, after ten years of war, what's on offer for those lower in the Party hierarchy seems scant reward for their efforts. Now a faction led by a senior Party leader Mohan Biadhya, popularly known as Kiran, are demanding an immediate progression towards 'full communism'; i.e., a one party state capitalist system in the style of traditional Maoism.
What's in a name? The PFDNR

These dissatisfied Party elements who want to 'march firmly onward to a communist state/People's Republic' are becoming more openly critical of the democratic gradualism of the Party leadership and their parliamentary roles. One recent manifestation has been the dispute over names; the pro-democratic faction wants to drop 'Maoist' from the party name and become simply the Nepal Communist Party. This is largely a gesture to the IMF and other foreign aid and investment providers, showing them that the NCP has put down the gun and embraced mainstream politics. But for the Party hardliners this is the most despicable renegade 'revisionism'. (Both sides are aware that such disputes and any resolution symbolically reflect the balance of power in the Party. Those who control the slogans, symbols, labels and icons remake the Party in their own image partly by the dissemination of images of the powerful; for the "vanguard party" they are an essential tool of hierarchical power. See "The Mao Cult"; http://www.iisg.nl/~landsberger/cult.html) Similarly, a long debate between the two factions at a recent Party conference over 'the way forward' included a clumsy compromise over the retitling of the the nation-state. As "blogdai", a cynically amused Nepali blogger, put it;

Those brilliant Maoists have been banging their heads together for six days to
try and mend a catastrophic rift in their party. It seems most of the
hard-liners want to announce an all Communist "People's Republic" immediately;
while Prachanda wants to go a little slower so as not to throw the country back
into chaos. After what blogdai can only assume to be an excruciating application
of sheer brainpower, our boys in red have decided to call Nepal the "People's
Federal Democratic National Republic." Just think of the expense in stationary
this will incur! PFDNR Nepal.http://nepalnow.blogspot.com/

The growth of political and economic gangsterism

The Young Communist League (YCL) is sometimes described as the disguised military arm of the Maoists, or, increasingly, as their paramilitary wing(5). In 2006, after the Maoists agreed to end their 10-year “People’s War,” they signed a peace pact with the government, thereby agreeing to confine their “People’s Liberation Army” (PLA) in designated cantonments under UN supervision. About 20,000 members of the Maoist People's Liberation Army (PLA) are living in forest camps as the government seeks to integrate them into the national Army. However, Nepal's military has said it doesn't want to accept the fighters immediately "because they are still politically motivated".

There is general disbelief at the small number of PLA fighters registered in the cantonments. It seems that the party transferred a substantial number of PLA personnel to the YCL so that they could move around freely, provide support to the party’s activities and continue their fundraising activities of extortion and protection rackets levied on businesses.

At present, the frustrated former soldiers have too much time on their hands, too little money and few prospects for advancement. This is a serious problem for the Maoist politicians and for the wider society. Their racketeering and extortion, intimidation and assassination of political rivals and critics destabilises the country, inhibits industrial production, retards the formal political process and encourages the growth of other paramilitary factions such as the UML 'Youth Force' and various ethnic/separatist groups.
Paramilitary or parliamentary?

The YCL has been both an asset and a burden to the Maoist leadership since the ceasefire. During tough negotiations with other parties, it has been useful for the Maoists to encourage a certain level of paramilitary activity by the YCL. It has served as a warning that, if the Maoists don't get what they want, the possibility of a return to guerilla war remains. It has also implied that if political concessions are not given, the Maoist leaders will look discredited in the eyes of their hotheaded youth and so risk losing control of them and/or be less concerned at reining them in. But now, as the two rival Party factions - hardliners and parliamentarians - face each other, who can command the loyalty of the YCL may become crucial. It seems likely that the hardliners may have the YCL on their side, the parliamentary road having delivered so little to the rank'n'file soldiers. Yet a hardline effort to immediately advance to a state of one-party rule would mean an attempted military coup; in effect, a probable return to an indefinitely stalemated guerilla war. So we could see a smaller Maoist guerilla faction taking again to the hills, while the Maoist politicians remain in Parliament. (The Maoist parliamentarians could retain their own paramilitary force and/or ally with other parliamentary groups.)

In response to growing post-election Maoist brutality, other political parties have formed youth groups. Youth cadre of the non-Maoist Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (UML)(6) - the third largest party in Parliament - have been abducted and murdered by the YCL; last week another was viciously attacked with machetes by YCL cadre. Now the UML Youth Force - itself accused of intimidation and involvement in extortion - is threatening its own 'People's War' against the Maoist-led government if the YCL are allowed to continue in their gangsterism. As one former UML leader put it, when expressing fears that the Youth Force may become as much of a problem as the YCL;

"If the ruling party itself keeps a paramilitary force then there is no reason
why other parties won't also try to form their own," he said, adding "and if
everybody starts to form their own paramilitary forces then the atmosphere in
the country will be very dark. The Prime Minister should seriously think about
this thing," Nepalnews reported. http://www.newkerala.com/topstory-fullnews-59575.html

This seems to be what is increasingly happening - "War is the continuation of politics by other means" - (Clausewitz).

Maoists have also intimidated journalists critical of their brutality and have admitted murdering at least one(7). Several newspapers have been targetted and temporarily shut down by Maoist trade unions and journalists attacked by Maoist goon squads; the union activity here being used for intimidating critics rather than pursuing workers' interests. The UML's Youth Force have also recently carried out a similar attack on a newspaper office.

In the southern Terai plains region an ethnic Madhesi movement (which includes ex-Maoists) continues to call for national independence for the territory and to compete with Maoists and other factions for paramilitary dominance of the area. A female journalist, Uma Singh, was killed in Terai last week; her murder may be a response to her writings against the dowry marriage-payment system that has such oppressive consequences for women in Nepal (8). But she was also critical of land seizures and extortion rackets in Terai carried out by a former Maoist cabinet minister (now sacked)(9), and her father and brother were 'disappeared' by the Maoists during the civil war. Some suspects have now been arrested, one a local Maoist leader.
Class, state or nation?

Back in 2006 during the popular pro-democracy protests that eventually toppled the King and preceded the Maoist ceasefire, we commented;

And the consequences for the development of any autonomous movement of
self-organised class struggle beyond and against bourgeois democracy? The
industrial working class is a minority in a predominantly peasant population. We
make no hierarchies of one sector of the poor being more important or radical
than the other; but the industrial workers have certain specific potential areas
of struggle (transport, industry etc) that are unique to them and would be of
crucial importance in any future movement. The rural and urban poor are
dependent on an alliance with each other to affect any real change in their own
mutual interests. So far they have only taken sides with one or other of the
factions competing to rule over them. To go further than a more democratic
management of continued poverty they will have to stop taking sides and start
making sides. Despite the limits of the pro-democratic framework of recent
events, many of the poor may have realised, through the flexing of their
collective muscle, a sense of their own potential power to act more directly in
their own class interests. Without wanting to be determinist, in the absence of
an autonomous movement of the poor moving beyond demands for democracy, there
will probably need to be a period of disillusionment with a new Kingless
democracy system before any such autonomous movement will emerge.http://libcom.org/news/article.php/nepal-maoists-protests-analysis-2006

Is the time ripe for such a movement, is it close and soon to emerge from the present confusion? The Maoists were, for many Nepalese, a hope for major change in the stagnating corruption of political life. But this illusion is evaporating. The options ahead look difficult for the ruling class and bleak for the poor - as the Parliamentary political process is impeded by distrust and the added decision-making problems of a coalition government; as parliamentary rivalries threaten to spill over into paramilitary war; as a split within the Maoists between gradualist democrats and one-party state capitalists looks more likely; as electricity infrastructure, food and fuel inflation hardships increase daily.

If the Maoist hardliners break away from the parliamentarians and take the YCL paramilitaries with them, this could easily spark a renewed civil war involving the national Army, various paramilitary wings of parliamentary parties (including Maoist oppositionists) and also smaller ethnic separatist groups.

Perhaps the one bright spark is the ongoing strike wave; maybe an independent social movement of rural and urban poor will emerge from the growing cynicism with the false promises of political solutions. Most Nepalis appear weary of war and many disillusioned with politics. But with these class struggles surrounded by a tangled web of intersecting ethnic, separatist, nationalist and political group tensions, and these divisions and rivalries becoming more brutal and militarised - the potential of an autonomous working class movement emerging look difficult, to say the least. And divided though the ruling class is, the one thing that unites them, from left to right, is the necessity to ban strikes. The politicians have already illustrated that - whatever the gloss put on it - they understand their conflict as an inter-class one to decide among themselves who will govern and exploit the poor, and by what methods.
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Footnotes

1) http://www.nepalbandh.com/index.php - is a site that lists an updated chronology of 'bandhs' ([b-awN-dh] adj.: Bandh, a Nepali word literally meaning 'closed') - i.e. strikes and public protests in Nepal.

2) Even a relative sympathiser of the Maoists admits "The Maoists can not just shrug off from their share of responsibility to their bourgeois counterparts for accepting past mistakes. While the past Panchayat, Kangressi, & “hijda” UML governments were certainly corrupt to their bone-marrows, the Maoists should not forget that they were also running a parallel government for the past 15 years. During their People’s War, the Maoists claimed to control all Nepal’s territory except Kathmandu and not only obstructed new development projects but also destroyed the existing infrastructures – a revolutionary method of weakening the “feudal governments” by forcing people into the Dark Ages. The Maoists even used to warn people not to expect any construction projects, as they were uprooting the remnants of feudalism." http://drdivas.wordpress.com/

3) See our earlier analysis; http://libcom.org/news/article.php/nepal-maoists-protests-analysis-2006

4) See our earlier comments; http://libcom.org/news/nepal-a-nice-little-earner-maoist-ruling-class-lenins-footsteps-12052008

5) See our earlier comments on the YCL; http://libcom.org/news/democratic-stresses-nepal-its-regional-implications-21062007

6) Somewhat confusingly, the non-Maoist 'Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist' (UML) is a long-established parliamentary party, while the Maoist party - until recently the 'Nepal Communist Party (Maoist)' (NCP-M) - has just merged with/absorbed the smaller CPN-Ekata Kendra Mashal (EKM) and so become the UnitedCPN-Maoist. Though, as noted in the text above, the 'Maoist' may soon be dropped.

7) "In 2007, a year after signing the peace agreement and pledging not to attack the media, Maoists killed journalist Birendra Shah in southern Nepal. For almost a month, the former guerrillas denied having a hand in Shah’s disappearance. However, after continuous pressure by Nepal’s leading media organization, the Federation of Nepalese Journalists, [the Maoists] accepted responsibility. The main suspects accused of actually carrying out the attack are still at large." http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/Security-Watch/Detail/?fecvnodeid=118628&groupot593=4888CAA0-B3DB-1461-98B9-E20E7B9C13D4&fecvid=33&ots591=4888CAA0-B3DB-1461-98B9-E20E7B9C13D4&lng=en&v33=118628&id=95232http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/

8) Dowry is a financial obligation paid by the bride's family to the family of the bridegroom. (Less commonly, in some cultures payment can be in the opposite direction -referred to as "bride-price".) On dowry, see; http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?menu=c10400&no=319188&rel_no=1 and for speculation on the caste basis for dowry and bride-price traditions; http://www.hindubooks.org/sudheer_birodkar/hindu_history/practices1.html

9) http://www.nepalitimes.com.np/issue/2009/01/19/Comment/15576

ANARCHIST THEORY:

WHY ANARCHIST PROJECTS FAIL-PART ONE:

This series of posts has been inspired by the recent lack of interest in The Carnival of Anarchy, an attempt at a "blog carnival" dealing with this, that and the other thing revolving around the subject of anarchism. This first installment will hardly be applicable to the CoA, but others in the future may be.

Molly has been playing this game since the early 70s, and she has certainly seen her share of "ex-anarchists". Most of these can be put into the "bought-off" slot. It is entirely possible that anarchism is very much like Trotskyism and the Jehovah's Witnesses in that there are far more ex-members of these two groups than there are present members(by perhaps a factor of 10 to 1 at any given time), and this has been true for many decades. It is also possible that the basic outflow is the same. In the case of the Trots this is obviously true as the "general left" affords infinitely more career possibilities, whether they be in social democracy, the unions, the NGOs or whatever, than Leninist sectarianism offers. There is also little-or none- barrier to a Trot becoming an ex-Trot and still believing that he or she hasn't changed his or her beliefs at all. One would assume that there should be a "crisis of conscience" when anarchists get bought off in this manner, but our present situation is quite different from that when Molly first became an anarchist back in the Mesozoic. The advantage that anarchism has gained by basically becoming the ultra-left has been bought at the cost of the dilution of what anarchism means. It is entirely possible that an anarchist could as easily become a functionary today as Trots have always been able to do. But there are worse things to become than a sell-out.

The grossest example of this was perhaps provided by the disintegration of the late (and unlamented-in Molly's view) Love and Rage Federation. The decision to "sell out" is actually an act of intelligence, with a rational calculation of self interest as its basis. The decision to go from one leftist sectarian organization to another of considerably less intelligence, moral rectitude, aesthetic appeal, sophistication, etc. is another matter entirely. This is neither rational nor intelligent. In particular it depends upon a lack of what Molly styles as "emotional intelligence" which is something quite separate from "book-learning" (often quite superficial amongst leftists) or even common sense(though a good modicum of common sense should provide a barrier to such religious impulses). It has to be admitted that many of the people who initially joined Love and Rage were quite juvenile to begin with, and that set the stage for the organization's eventual disintegration. The "left" that they couldn't see was different from anarchism was far different from the left of our day. The Maoist illusions, particularly in the USA, were far more prevalent than they are today, and they were reinforced by a sort of cultish guilt-mongering that, while it still exists today-once more especially in the USA-is far weaker today. The brutish decision of some of the split-offs from Love and Rage to adopt neo-Maoism as an ideology or to hanker after a cultish religion of "race-politics" would hardly be repeated today except in the worst shadowy corners of modern anarchism. The majority are now immune to such bizarre delusions, because of the march of history.

Anarchism has certainly produced its own share of monsters over its history, but I cannot think of anything so ultimately silly as what some of Love and Rage became. Other examples such as the advocacy of Spaniards such as Pestaña with his Syndicalist Party and Garcia Oliver's eventual conversion to conspiratorial quasi-Leninist politics at least preserved some connection to reality. Going from anarchism to Maoism is no such thing. One can be comforted that such stillbirths are very much dependent upon their national milieu, and they will hardly be common outside of the USA.

So...stick with us as we explore the question of "why anarchist projects fail" in greater length in future posts.

CANADIAN ANARCHIST MOVEMENT- QUEBEC

MOUVEMENT ANARCHISTE DU CANADA-QUÉBEC:

BROCHURE-CRITIQUE ANARCHISTE DU PROGRAMME DU PCR(QUÉBEC):

PAMPHLET- ANARCHIST CRITIQUE OF THE PROGRAM OF THE PCR(QUEBEC):

The following announcement originally appeared at the Québec City blog Voix de Faits. Voix de Faits is a platformist blog produced by members of NEFAC, the North Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists. The PCR (Parti communiste révolutionnaire) is a Maoist outfit "formally" only a year old, though it has a longer prehistory of "pre-party" formations. NEFAC in Québec has cooperated with this party in a peripheral fashion in terms of jointly sponsoring at least one demonstration.

This may seem like a rather strange thing for an anarchist group to be doing, but it can be explained by the rather unique history of Québec leftism. In past decades Québec was actually the locus of what was probably the strongest Maoist tendency in the developed world. At one point there were no less than 3 major Maoist groupings in the province, and it would not be an exaggeration to say that the province of Québec held more Maoists than all of the continent north of the Panama Canal. It even contributed what may be something unique in human history, an intelligent Maoist whose intelligence went beyond low reptilian cunning. Gilles Duceppe, present leader of the Bloc Québecois in federal politics, was once a Maoist, though his present politics are far from such.

All this is in the past, and Québec's Maoists have undergone decline just as Maoism has worldwide. Yet, the wider the grin of the Cheshire Cat the longer it takes to fade away. In the rest of the developed world (and almost all of the developing countries) having contact with Maoists is not just a matter of "ethical contamination". It is even more a matter of common sense in that any such alliances make those who collaborate with the Mickey Mao Club look either as morally bankrupt as the Maoists or as silly as them. It's hard to say which is worse, but any political movement would be well advised not to make alliances that make them look either immoral or silly. In Québec, however, there is just enough of a Maoist residue to make them seem like desirable allies. Molly is of the opinion that, outside of leftist circles, the correct public perception-in Québec as elsewhere- of what Maoism is all about should dissuade anarchists from allying themselves with such a political current, but she can see how the situation might look different within Québec.

In any case, anarchism, of course, is nothing like Maoism. The NEFAC comrades in Québec have produced a pamphlet to explain the differences. The pamphlet is available for reading at the NEFAC website. The English translation of the announcement follows the original French one below.

.....................................

Brochure -Critique anarchiste du programme du PCR (Quebec)

Ils sont anticapitalistes et antinationalistes, boycottent les élections et l'Etat,se disent communistes et révolutionnaires. Ils sont très critiques del'institutionnalisation des mouvements sociaux et conspuent les leaders de la gauche réformiste. Dans les manifestations, ils sont souvent masqués et n'hésitent pas à recourir à l'action directe. A priori, les maoïstes du Parti communiste révolutionnaire (PCR) sont proches des anarchistes. Et pourtant? Un fossé sépare nos conceptions du monde et de la stratégie révolutionnaire

.==> une brochure éditée en mai 2008 à partir de textes publiés sur le blogue Voixde faits et de nouveau matériel.

À lire sur: http://www.nefac.net/fr/node/2384

...............................

Pamphlet-Anarchist Critique of the Program of the PCR (Quebec)

They are anticapitalist and antinationalist, are boycotting the state elections , they say they are communists and revolutionaries. They are very critical of the institutionalization of social movements and the corruption of the leaders of the reformist left. In demonstrations, they are often masked and don`t hesitate to resort to direct action. A priori, the Maoist Communist Party Revolutionary (PCR) are close to anarchists. And yet? A gap separates our conceptions of the world and the revolutionary strategy.

==> A booklet published in May 2008 from texts published on the blog Void de Faits and new material.

To read it see:

http://www.nefac.net/fr/node/2384

NEPAL:

THE MAOISTS CASH IN:

It seems that a career as great and glorious leader of the struggling people can pay off quite handsomely. Here's a recent article from the LibCom board about the perks of government that the Maoists of Nepal expect to share in very shortly, after winning up to 1/3rd of the seats in recent elections to the Constituent Assembly. Nothing like rolling in the people's dough. Not that this is all bad-really ! Corruption is actually the only barrier to murderous tyranny once a Leninist party gains power-short of an external threat. The more corrupt the new ruling class is the less likely it is to engage in fantastical acts of murder and tyranny to bring its ideological dream to fruition. Every dollar/rupee spent on the creature comforts of the Maoist leadership may save dozens of innocent lives. One of the quite amusing facts quoted in the following article is the actions of the Bolsheviks in 1919, during a time of famine in Russia, in ordering 70 more Rolls Royces in order that the "leaders of the proletariat" could be chauffeured around in style. Love it !

As an aside some may wonder why Molly bothers to berate the increasingly rare Maoists, long after their implosion in popularity and long after they have ceased to be any sort of contender for power in any country in the world outside of Nepal. Why bother ? All that I can say in apology is that I am merely following the dictates of many millions of years of evolution here. Way back when, long before our ancestors and those of the chimpanzees diverged, there was an action that conferred great fitness on its actors and one whose tendency we have therefore inherited. If you see a sick vicious poisonous snake, or you manage to beat it down, don't stop there. Keep on beating it until it is dead 8 times over. Don't let it live to bite again. Poisonous vipers, smallpox viruses, plague germs, Maoists...all are things the world can very well do without. Make sure they don't rise to bite again.

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Nepal; a nice little earner for the Maoist ruling class - in Lenin's footsteps
Nepal's Maoist Party has won around 220 seats in the recent Constituent Assembly (CA) election, about one-third of the total. Though the largest party, they don't have an overall majority; they have stated their wish to lead a coalition government.

But as the result became clear Maoist leader Prachanda told journalists “I will be declared the acting President of this country very soon…which will be followed by occupying the post of the all powerful President of New Nepal…this is the peoples’ mandate…no force on earth can disobey this mandate”. (Telegraphnepal.com 26/4/2008); the man who has long talked of his wish to 'abolish royal autocracy' now speaks of his "all powerful" role.

Recent news reports reveal the wages and expenses of the newly elected members of the Assembly. While they spend an indefinite period drawing up a new national Constitution they will be paid - by Nepali standards - enormous wages;each CA member will receive net salaries of 23 thousand one hundred rupees per month [£176/$345/Eur224]. On top of this they'll get expenses for drinking water, electricity, telephone, rent, newspapers & "miscellaneous". These expense allowances bring the total income of a CA member to 45 thousand 98 rupees [£345/$674/Eur437] each per month.

The CA President (probably Maoist Party boss Prachanda) will have a monthly salary/expenses income of 60,600 rupees [£463/$905/Eur588] - plus a petrol allowance of 24,500 rupees [£187/$366/Eur237]. The vice president will scrape by on a few thousand less.

So the ruling class, led by the Maoist 'proletarian vanguard', feather their nest. These salaries must be compared with the Nepali average wage of just $200 a year [£102/Eur129]; Nepal is the poorest country in Asia. Around 10% of the population takes 50% of the wealth, the bottom 40% takes 10%. 85% of Nepalese people don’t have access to health care. So the monthly income of a CA politician is well over three times the annual national average wage! Jobs within the CA are already being allocated by all the various member parties to their friends and family.

In a public appearance last week Maoist leader Prachanda said, “I had the opportunity to play the role of Lenin itself in Nepal”. With his fat salary and perks he is certainly following in Bolshevik footsteps; Lenin travelled in a chauffeur-driven Rolls-Royce, as did other government officials. "Autocracy’s main enemy, Vladimir Lenin, had no reservations about inheriting the hated old regime’s automobile collection. Lenin used the Tsar’s Rolls-Royce Silver Ghost to drive around town while his colleagues divided up the rest of the collection among them. But two revolutions and a civil war had taken their toll on the cars, and in 1919 [during a time of famine and extreme hardships for the poor] the Council of People’s Commissars had to order 70 more from London." (Aeroflot site). Lenin moved into a dacha (country house) previously owned by a millionaire, while much of the other Bolshevik leadership took occupation of the luxurious Lux hotel in Petrograd,dining on preferential food rations.[1] Then and now, for those who inherit the State, its perks and luxuries are clearly irresistible and seen as just reward for their conquest and devotion to power. And so the new Nepalese republic is born - the furniture and faces at the top have been shifted around a little, and that is all.

There's another interpretation (though less likely) of the reference to Lenin - as a coded pointer towards a historical precedent; that Prachanda's long-term plan is for the Constituent Assembly in Nepal to share the same fate as it did in Russia. When the Bolsheviks were ready to seize sole power for themselves, a revolutionary guard (led by Anatoli Zhelezniakov[2], an anarchist sailor[3]) dismissed the CA, dominated as it was by indecisive bourgeois moderate politicians. The Bolsheviks saw its dissolution as a decisive step in the progress from a bourgeois to a proletarian revolution (though the fact that, unlike Nepal's Maoists, the Bolsheviks did not emerge victorious from the CA elections may have influenced their choices too). The Maoists might, ideally, like to achieve a neat Leninist orthodoxy by replicating this state of affairs, but they know the necessities of 'realpolitik'. External geo-political pressures and economic realities mean that - for the moment, at least - they need to play the democratic game in order to attract foreign investment, so as to try and build up a sound politico-economic base. A strong and stable State power is always a class relation based on efficient exploitation and its rewards.
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NOTES
[1] "Ante Ciliga described what he called the state capitalists' 'morals on the morrow of the October revolution' as follows:
From the first days of the October revolution, the Communist [sic] leaders had shown a great lack of shame in these matters. Having occupied the building, they furnished it with the best furniture from shops that had been nationalized. From the same source their wives had procured themselves fur coats, each taking two or three at a time. All the rest was in keeping. (Ciliga, 1979, p. 121)
Far from the emergence of the privileged consumption enjoyed by the state capitalist class coinciding with Stalin's rise to power, some of the state capitalists of Stalin's day looked back with nostalgia to the comfortable life they had experienced during the early years of Bolshevik rule:
During the winter of 1930 fuel ran short and we had to do without hot water for a few days. The wife of a high official who lived at the Party House was full of indignation. `What a disaster to have this man Kirov! True, Zinoviev is guilty of 'fractionism' but in his day central heating always functioned properly and we were never short of hot water. Even in 1920, when they had to stop the factories in Leningrad for lack of coal, we could always have our hot baths with the greatest comfort.' (Ibid., pp. 121-2)
Another illustration that Stalin was not personally responsible for establishing state capitalist privilege in Russia is that during the period 1923-5, when Stalin had only an old car at his disposal 'Kamenev had already appropriated a magnificent Rolls' (Medvedev - 1979, p. 33)."
( State Capitalism - the wages system under new management, Buick & Crump.)
[2] On Zhelezniakov, see; http://libcom.org/library/zhelezniakov-biography-avrich-1917
[3] The Ukrainian anarchist "Makhno defended that action and explained that Zhelezniakov, a Black Sea sailor and delegate to Kronstadt, had played one of the most active roles in 1917. Makhno merely expressed regret that the fiery sailor, who enjoyed great prestige among his colleagues, had not simultaneously seen fit to dismiss Lenin and his "Soviet of People's Commissars" which "would have been historically vital and would have helped unmask the stranglers of the revolution in good time." "http://libcom.org/library/makhno-bibliographical-afterword-skirda

NEPAL:

THE NEW RULING CLASS- JUST LIKE THE OLD RULING CLASS- ONLY WORSE:

The following has been translated from the Voix De Faits blog, in Québec City. Voix De Faits is a blog of the Québec section of NEFAC, the North Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists, a platformist organization. I may disagree with labelling the new ruling class that the Nepalese Maoists want to shove down the throats of their people as "capitalist". My own term is "managerial". In the rest of the world, with the defeat of fascism and the collapse of other Leninist regimes a more benign form of this ruling class has come to power. In Molly's view the pathetic Leninist aspiration to power is primitive in that a better form of the class rule that they propose already holds sway in the commanding heights of the economy through most of the world. This managerial ruling class "uses" sometimes more or less "capitalist" forms of political economy, but at other times uses political manipulation of the economy to achieve their goals. They are superior to the failed Leninist experiments of the last century (and the soon-to-fail Cuban experiment) simply because they are more flexible and less hidebound by ideology(religious belief ?). All that being said I cannot express the degree of loathing that I have for the cultists of the greatest mass-murderers that human history has ever seen. The following article expresses the essence of Maoism (the lowest of the low in a field filled with scum), only using a different name for the evil.

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The vast Maoist revolution in Nepal is ... a capitalist revolution!

In Nepal, the ex-Maoist rebels are currently on the verge of becoming the first party of the constituent assembly, elected Thursday, which will allow the transformation of the monarchy in the Republic and will force the king to abdicate. The Maoists have won or are leading in 98 districts now. They are also about to get a simple majority, beating the same old political formations such as the Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal Unified Marxist-Leninist (center-left).

It will be recalled that the people's war in Nepal, led by the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist adherents "(...) is regarded as a bright hope not only for the Nepalese masses, but also for the entire international proletariat and the oppressed peoples (...)"!( PCR (Co) - Arsenal no.2).

The newspaper Le Monde, published this week, an interview with the general Nepali Maoist ideologue, Baburam Bhattarai, the right arm of the Party, the no.1 in the Party. According to this interview, one of the highlights of their revolutionary program, "(...) would be to initiate a political transition dominated by the capitalist revolution (...)"! Oh yes! The famous transition period, which after years of propaganda will eventually become the famous revolution desired ...

After the peace accord in 2006, which ended the conflict which has claimed more than 13,000 deaths in 10 years, the Nepali Maoists now proclaim that their aim in the short and medium term is neither socialism nor even Social Democracy, but to erect a triumphant capitalism! For a revolution acclaimed by the Maoist Parties , as the embryo of the new wave of world revolution, which rises with increasing strength, and that was afford to build a new world finally free from all forms of exploitation, we can say that it's rather tipsy.

After revolution, the only solution is that the Nepali Maoists modus operandi becomes this only solution? After Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot etc .. how many disastrous examples of genocide are necessary to demonstrate that Maoism militants are not a hope for the oppressed masses, but rather a dictatorship established and maintained by force? ------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------

Here is the article in the newspaper Le Monde

... Baburam Bhattarai is in a three-story villa with red tiles, located in a suburb of Kathmandu where modest brick houses rise on the side of the ravine. A look at the portrait gallery of red saints red adorning his living room, tells us that this man then, number two in the Communist Party adherents of the Nepali Maoist (CPN-M), must have a sacred dogma. Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao: the display of references is clear. Eyes half closed, a thin mustache covering severe lips, Baburam Bhattarai affects of the dryness of a former guerrilla shaped by life in the resistance.

And yet, the man is a master of the brilliantly contortions of the dialectic. It is probably not a coincidence that this former architecture student, holds a PhD at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in New Delhi, is a great lover of chess, and passes for the ideologue of Nepalese Maoism.(See Déclassé Intellectuals in the works of Max Nomad-Mollymew) At age 53, he became a key person, alongside the leader of the party, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, alias "Prachenda" (the Terrible),around the reconstitution of the political life of Nepal around a republican calendar that they were able to impose on the traditional parties at gunpoint.

Mr. Bhattarai exudes confidence. He is sure of his case: the abolition of the monarchy and to gain power. He is confident even though the lucky red star CPN-M, can afford the luxury of polishing revolutionary jargon. Since power, he believes, is close and it will still take some useful steps to be achieve it, it is important to reach out, to be accommodating. Thus, if "the abolition of the monarchy" and "the elimination of feudalism" return as leitmotifs in his speech, he spoke ,strangely enough little about, "socialism".

"POLITICAL TRANSITION"

Certainly, the goal remains as "long term", but in the meantime, priority will be to initiate a "political transition" dominated by the "capitalist revolution".The supreme Irony, the Maoists have a mission, if you understand Mr. Bhattarai correctly, to implement capitalism in Nepal!

"We will not nationalise big industry and we will respect free enterprise", he said . The charm offensive against the bosses had already begun: the leaders of the CPN-M have come to meet with the office of the Federation of Industry and Commerce.

He says, we have reassured them, and they are willing to work with us."

Is not such openness is not in flagrant contradiction with the orthodox Marxism-Leninism professed by the CPN-M? "Absolutely not," Mr. Bhattarai protests."Marx, Engels and Lenin had already written on the subject," he says. Between feudalism and socialism, there is capitalism.. However there is still no capitalism in Nepal. It must be developed.

" Indeed, the ideologue of the CPN-M now is wary of models. While he still reveres Mao - a porcelain bust of the Great Helmsman is on a throne on a table in the living room - he wants to "go beyond Mao." "We must develop our own style", he says. "Marxism is not a religion, it is a science. We want to develop Marxism."(Booolsheet amigo-Molly) And that "Marxism to develop" must accommodate itself to democracy?

Mr. Bhattarai said, accepting the "competitive multi-party system". Of course, the Maoists are critical of a parliamentary system on the "Westminster model, "a source of instability". They want institutional reform to establish a "presidential system similar to the French." But Mr. Bhattarai assures us that he has nothing against democracy. Intoxication? Conversion sincere? History will judge fairly fairly soon

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Also, if you are interested, you can read the message of solidarity from PCR (co) on the occasion of the 8th anniversary of the war in Nepal, published in the journal Arsenal(Maoist scumbags-Molly) ... Are they talking about the same revolution?

Dear comrades,

We extend our warmest greetings on the occasion of the 8th anniversary of the outbreak of the People's War. Starting from almost nothing, but armed with what is most important - a Party, an ideological line and a correct political line, as well as a deep bond with and supported by the broad masses - the combatants of what would become the mighty and glorious People's Liberation Army began with great courage a long and arduous struggle, which is now a bright hope not only for the Nepalese masses, but also for the entire international proletariat and the oppressed peoples.(or at least the inferior members of the managerial ruling class who can't get directing jobs otherwise-Molly)

By constantly advancing in the fight against the reactionary classes and the imperialist powers that support them, and building, step by step, a new popular power, the oppressed masses in Nepal run by your Party have established a solid base of support for the global revolution.

The considerable success that you have already won prove once again, in the words of Mao, a just cause still enjoys considerable support, and that ,when it is conducted properly, it is possible to combat and win even against the enemies of the most despotic and in the most difficult conditions that exist.

The people's war you lead past eight years is a vivid demonstration of the great power of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, ie The ideology of the proletariat internationally reinforced by the experience of more than 150 years of struggle for socialism and communism. (Maoist language is so weird. all that I can say is that my asshole is not just chewing bubblegum, if this is true,but it is blowing multicolour bubbles. The comrades of Voix De Faits added this bit for the sake of irony. as they say...)

A little ironic or not?